The Daily Star, Vol. 5 Num 74
Mon. August 09, 2004
Point-Counterpoint
Albert Mankin
Bangala," the present Bangladesh, has always been an abode for scores
of ethnic groups from time immemorial. Besides the Bengali majority people,
there are 45 ethnic groups with approximately 2.5 millions (according to the
Bangladesh Adivasi Forum) living side by side in this country. With a marked
concentration of 11 ethnic groups in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, the rest of
the 33 ethnic groups live on plain lands scattered throughout the country. The
existence of numerous ethnic groups has enriched the human geography of the
region that exhibits cultural and social diversity.
However, the new nation that emerged in 1971 as Bangladesh after a year of bloody
struggle for recognition willfully ignored the very existence of ethnic groups
other than the Bengalis. The country's constitution, framed in 1972, is the
proof of such willful negation of the right to be different. It has had policy
implications on ethnic groups as a whole. Initially there had been a forceful
demand from the ruling regime that the ethnic groups in the country should accept
"Bangalism" as their identity. This ideological posture contradicts
the historical language movement of 1952 and then the liberation war in 1971,
fought in the name of the recognition of Bengali identity as a language and
as culturally different. The historic opportunity for an harmonious multi-cultural
Bangladesh was lost and set the stage for three decades of struggle. The subsequent
history of the country is a testimony of the immediate backlashes of this policy
adoption.
Mr. Manabendra Narayan Larma, the then sole MP from the Jummas of Chittagong
Hill Tracts protested the move for framing the country's constitution on a single
nationality. He insisted that the constitution should be based on multi-ethnicity.
He demanded that the adivasis have rights to be different with distinct cultures,
customs, history, traditions and they are not Bengalis His demand was forcefully
turned down. The result was the formation of the Shantibahini and the struggle
for autonomy by the Jummas in the Chittagong Hill region lasting for almost
three decades. The struggle was concluded through a peace treaty in 1997 led
by Joyotiridra Bhudipriya Larma, Chairman, Parbataya Chattagram Jana Sanhati
Samity.
Almost simultaneously, there was another struggle in the North-Eastern part
of Bangladesh (the then greater Mymensingh),on the Bangladesh/Meghalaya (India)
border in 1975 following the death of Sheik Mujibur Rahman. This struggle was
commonly known as Kaderia Songram (insurgence) because it was led by a famous
freedom fighter Kader Sidiquee. The majority of the recruits were from among
indigenous/tribal communities -- Garos and Hajongs who were freedom fighters
earlier in 1971 (90 percent of Garos, Koch, and Hajongs residing along the border
of greater Mymensingh had to take refuge in India during the liberation. Hundreds
of them joined freedom struggle). Being frustrated for the willful ignorance
of their sacrifice and contributions to the 1971 liberation war, they justified
joining the 1975 insurgency as an opportunity to promote their rights. It was
President Ziaur Rahman who took the initiative of negotiations that led to the
end of the insurgency in 1977.
This adoption of the policy of ethnic majority has eventually defeated the very
ideology of democracy, human rights and good governance -- and above all the
very ideology of nationalism. It was nationalism that brought the country together
to throw away the hegemony of West Pakistan. It is indeed a paradox that the
nation imbued with an ideology of nationalism would adopt a hegemonistic attitude
towards other nationalities in the country. A chance for the development of
multi-ethnic and multi-cultural society was missed. Consequently in many cases
the rights of adivasis have been denied -- such as in the case of the Modhupur
Forest where century-old roads are blocked with 6 feet high brick walls, ancestral
lands taken, livelihood bases robbed -- and all these are done without discussion
and consultation. Modhupur National park will be built for providing recreational
facilities for the affluent middle class of Dhaka.
Demands of ethnic groups are vibrant and grow stronger. The voice that was raised
in 1972 for equality, fraternity and for constitutional recognition still vibrates
in the depths of indigenous people's minds, in the murmuring forests and alleys
of hills where they live, and it is getting louder and is trumpeting in the
streets of the capital. It is time policy makers and the people of good-will
in the country open their ears and eyes to the rightful demands of 45 ethnic
communities numbering almost 2.5 million. It is encouraging to see that thousands
of voices from the mainstream Bengalis -- printed media and civil society groups,
are raised in support of the ethnic communities and their rightful demands.
In the cases of Modhupur National park at Tangail and at Mahalchari event, Kagrachori
Chittagong Hill Tracts, Eco-tourism at Kulaura, Maulovibazar people from all
walks of life came to protest. Eventually this will not only prevent and protect
the indigenous communities from marginalisation and social exclusion -- it will
also bless the nation at large by enhancing democratisation processes, human
rights development, and arresting negative trends towards mono-ethnicitism.
Our generations will be enriched with ethnic diversity and cultural richness.
After all, the signature of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Treaty is the tacit
recognition of the very existence of indigenous and Tribal peoples in the Peoples
Republic of Bangladesh -- so why this hesitation and delay in the constitutional
-recognition of all ethnic groups in the country?
End.
Adivasis rallying for rights