Appendix 1:

CHITTAGONG HILL TRATS AT A GLANCE

The Chittagong Hill tracts (CHT), an area of 13,231 Square Kilometers, is the southeastern part of Bangladesh, bordering the Arakan and Chin States of Myanmar, and Tripura and Mizoram States of India. From time immemorial the CHT have been the home of twelve are collectively known as Jumma Nation, the First Peoples of the CHT. They are: Chakma and Tanchangya, Marma, Tripura and Reang, Mro, Lushai, Khumi, Chak, Khyang, Bawm, and Pankhua. The Jumma people are distinct and different from the majority Bengali population of Bangladesh in respect to race, language, culture, religion, and ethnicity. Their main occupation is based on subsistence farming known as Jhum [shifting cultuvation] in contrast to the wet rice cultivation system in the plains of Bangladesh.

Similar to other indigenous peoples of the world, the Jumma people were also independent before the British colonial period. The British annexed the CHT area in 1860 and created an autonomous administrative district known as "the Chittagong Hill Tracts" within the undivided British Bengal. In 1900, the British enacted the Regulation I of the 1900 Act in order to "protect" the Jumma people from economic exploitation of non-indigenous people and to preserve their traditional sociocultural and political institutions based on chief ships, customary laws, common ownership of land and, so on. Throughout the British colonial period the 1900 Act functioned as a "safeguard" for the Jumma people, prohibited land ownership and migrations of non-indigenous peoples in the CHT, and also provided full local autonomy to the Jumma peoples n respect to their practice of customary laws, traditional ways of life and land rights (common ownership). Unfortunately, at the British unilaterally ceded he CHT district to East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) in violation of the principles of partition and without taking into any consideration of race, language, culture, religion, ethnicity and wishes of the Jumma People.

The predicament of the Jumma People began with the building of a hydro-dam in the early Sixties which flooded 1,036 Sq.km. of land, submerged 40% of their best agricultural lands and displaced about 100,000 Jummas from their ancestral domain. In 1964, about 40,000 (now 60,000) displaced Chakmas were forced to migrate in to India and settled in the state of Arunachal. Since then they became stateless and failed to obtain, until today, the status of citizenship either from India or Bangladesh. During the Pakistani rule, the Government of Pakistan amended the "1900 Act" several times against the wishes of the Jumma people in order to find a legal excuse for migration of non-indigenous people and o open up the CHT for resource exploitation. It deliberately ignored the fact that 1900 Act was much more than a mere regulation, that it was an indispensable legal instrument for ensuring the safeguard of the Jummas, and that it could not be amended before bringing in a mutually agreed alternative. It was obvious that the unilateral changes in the 1900 Act at that point of time would automatically deny the inherent rights of the Jumma people. On the contrary, Pakistani Government interpreted the 1900 Act as s legacy of British colonial administration which helped separating the CHT from the rest of the country.

M. N. Larma, the founder of the Jana Samhati Samiti (JSS) was elected to the Bangladesh Parliament from the CHT constituency in the first general election held in Bangladesh in the early seventies. As an elected Member of Parliament (MP) from the CHT, he demanded constitutional safeguard and rights of Jumma people in the Bangladesh Parliament. His demands were ignored and never discussed in the Parliament by he ruling party and as well as the opposition party. Following this effort, he led a Jumma delegation and submitted a written memorandum to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, with four point's charter of demands for regional autonomy for the CHT. But the Prime Minister never read the memorandum and threatened with a plan for large scale Bengali settlement in the CHT. Besides M. N. Larma, the other Jumma leaders mage several attempts to solve the issue peacefully with the Bangladesh authorities. But the Bangladesh Government categorically rejected their demands, and on the contrary, charged the Jumma leaders as being secessionist and anti-Bangladeshi. As a result, provision was guaranteed for the Jumma people in the Bangladesh Constitution of 1972. When the Jumma peoples campaign for autonomy movement through democratic means began to gain momentum under JSS, the Bangladesh Government not only banned the JSS but also unleased a reign of terror against the Jummas.

Finding no other alternatives, the JSS was compelled to organize armed resistance group called "Shanti Bahini (armed wing of the JSS) as result of closure of all avenues by the government for a peaceful resolution to the CHT crisis. From there, the situation rapidly turned into that of "counter insurgency operations". Thousands have perished in the subsequent armed encounters, extra-judicial killings, tortures, rapes, and so on. In addition, Bangladesh security forces often resorted to mass detention and torture of the helpless villagers and left many of them crippled for life. For further consolidating their authority over the villagers, security forces have uprooted villages and forcibly kept them away in distant places in what is called "cluster villages" (Known as concentration camps), Where they live under constant supervision of the military. The can no longer tends their fields because of the restrictions imposed on their movement and because of the distance. They live in haunting misery in the "cluster village". The eviction and abolition of villages for security and development reasons and military operations have displaced thousands of villagers. Due to series of massacres perpetrated in league with Bengali settlers and Bangladesh Security Forces, about 54,OOO indigenous Jumma peoples from the CHT have fled to India and are now living in make-shift refugee camps in the Tripura State of India. In fact, the whole indigenous population in the CHT are now internally displaced and under strict military control. Between 1980 and 1993, the Bangladesh army and the Bengali settlers have committed eleven massacres and innumerable plunders and destruction of villages in the CHT.

In the early Seventies, the whole CHT was militarized and brought under military control by undermining the local civil administration. The establishment of Chittagong Hill Tracts Development Board (CHTDB) in 1976 for the CHT development deeply strengthened military occupation and development of military infrastructure in the CHT. The Chairmanship of the CHTDB is the General Officer Commanding (G.0.C) of Chittagong Cantonment Who holds overall military command in the CHT. Since then, the military has been in charge of implementing all development projects in the CHT and also controlling the fund that came from the international aid agencies and donor countries for the CHTDB development projects.
In fact, all development projects are financed either by international aid agencies or donor countries. However, a close examination of the CHTDB development projects reveals that more than 8O% of the CHTDB development budgets are spent On building a military infrastructure through construction of military camps, roads and bridges, office buildings, sports complexes (stadiums), mosques, cluster villages for Jummas and Bengali settlers.

In the name of "development and security reasons", the Government of Bangladesh deployed more than 80,000 security personnel in the CHT during the mid Seventies. In tact, it was intended to "protect" Bengali settlers and to carry out counter insurgency operation against the Jummas. Another crucial factor in the conflict is the government policy of changing the demographic character of the CHT through transmigration of Bengalis by displacing the Jummas. During 1979 - 1984 alone about half a million Bengalis have been settled into the CHT through the government sponsored settlement programs. Thus for Bengali settlers, the government also spends a large amount of money from the foreign aid funds allotted for the CHT development Projects. The new settlers have been given legal land ownership by the state. In addition, a large number of Bengali settlers tape taken illegal possession of lands, through steady encroachment and outright grabbing. The military encourage and help settlers directly or indirectly to occupy the lands of the Jummas and force the Jummas to leave their ancestral lands and villages. The situation is threatening to explode into a large-scale violent physical confrontation between the dominant community and the Jummas.

The issue of destruction of rain forest and degradation of environment in the CHT has not yet been exposed to the outside world.
What appeared at the turn of this century as the most inaccessible, impenetrable and unconquerable rainforest in the CHT may never be found today. The Jumma people have inhabited this area for hundreds of years without degrading physical environment and depleting natural resources. The way they exploited and managed their environment and natural resources are quite sustainable. But over the last two decades,

The military, traders, government officials, and settlers have ravaged the CHT rain forests through indiscriminate illegal logging, excessive timber, firewood and bamboo extraction for commercial and industrial purposes and pushed the Jumma people deeper into the countryside and to neighboring countries. Bulldozing their ancestral homeland in search of rich natural resources, using "national development" and "security" as an excuse, the remaining rain forests destroyed even after the massive environmental destruction and deforestation caused by hydro-dam flooding.

In 1989, the military regime enacted "The Hill Districts Council" despite tremendous protests made by the Jumma people. In created three Hill Duct Councils with the expressed purpose of giving autonomous power to the Jumma people. But it was immediately rejected by the JSS largely because it is not match with the five points charter of demands that JSS has been demanding since the dialogue began. As a measure of decentralization of power, the Bangladesh military Government created 61 District Councils throughout Bangladesh.
However, these District Councils were abolished as soon as the military regimes stepped down from power because these District Councils were undemocratically imposed by the corrupt military regime of General Ershad. Since there were no basic difference between the three Hill District Councils and the other 61 District Councils in Bangladesh, the Jumma people also demanded the Bangladesh Government to abolish the three Hill District Councils in the CHT.

After the downfall of military regimes in Bangladesh, the Jumma Peoples again formed a democratic forum in the name and style of The Chittagong Hill Tracts Hill Peoples Council (CHTHPC) on 25 December 1990 with its aims and objectives to initiate democratic process for a peaceful political solution to the CHT problem. The CHTHPC, along with Hill Students Council, Hill Women federation and Hill Literature Forum launched extensive national campaign within Bangladesh. In support of the rights of the Jumma Peoples, some prominent concerned Bengalis also formed a National Committee for the Protection of Fundamental rights in the CHT in mid
1992. However, the members of the Jumma Organizations who are involved in campaigns are being persecuted, threatened, intimidated, harassed, tortured and detained without trial under this democratic Government.

Under the regime of the previous government there had been three major massacres and numerous violations of human rights in the CHT such as the Mallya Massacre on 2 February l 992, Logang Massacre on 10 April 1992, Narniarchar massacre on 17 November 1993, and the communal riot in Rangamati on 20 May 1992. Unofficial press censorship on CHT issue still in force which transmit distorted view of the CHT to the Bangladeshi public and as well as to international community.

The JSS declared unilateral ceasefire on 10 August 1992. In response to this ceasefire, the previous Bangladesh government formed a nine member committee heated by Col. (retd.) Oli Ahmed, Communication Minister. Then the Government of Bangladesh has formally entered into a 'ceasefire' agreement with the JSS in the later part of 1992 and held peace talks with the JSS several times. This has happened due to intense lobbying by the Jummas and mounting pressure stemming up on the Bangladesh Government from international community. To date, seven rounds of dialogues have taken place between the Government and the JSS representative in which the JSS, came up with some concrete proposals. It has placed at the talk modified proposals to accommodate the other side. Despite all these, the talks have made little progress. The questions on government's sincerity were raised. And this given the impression that the government has entered into these dialogues with the JSS to please only the foreign aid agencies, donor countries, and as well as the international human rights organizations who are concerned with human rights situation in the CHT. Such peace endeavor, unless supported by the international community, is unlikely to lead an early resolution of their disputes. There has been numerous complaints of ceasefire violations from both the parties during the present phase of the ceasefire. For instance, the settlers in cooperation with the army had committed another massacre in Narniarchar on 17 November l993 in which at least 29 Jummas were killed and over one hundred injured. This massacre was committed in the middle of the ceasefire, just one week before the resumption of peace talks with the JSS. Furthermore, the Bangladesh has also made a package deal with India in 1992 for the repatriation of the Jumma refugees from the Tripura Camps prior to political solution to the CHT crisis. So far, two batches of Jumma refugees were repatriated into the CHT. Upon their rearm to the CHT, they found that their land and villages were under occupation by the Bengalis and the 16 pent package deal offer by the Bangladesh Government was not implemented.

The whole situation is destructive to both the parties although there is a sharp difference in the nature and the scale of the losses suffered. The Jummas have suffered all that the world can imagine.
Bangladesh Government has kept up its operations at a tremendous costs of its economic and social health. To maintain a large security force in the CHT, the government annually spends about $525 millions. Obviously, this is a very burden for a country struggling at the bottom of the world poverty list. It has enabled the army to exert overwhelming influence often with a crippling effect on the political and social life of the country.

The violence and the rapid militarization has deeply effected the conduct and thinking of the average persons.The massive poverty, accentuated by natural catastrophes, political instability, technological backwardness, high density of population, social ignorance and prejudice, are compelling for the Government to take the options which appear easy for that time being. The opening of the CHT even by force for settlement and exploitation by the landless millions from the plains must have appeared an easy option not only to the Government but also to the uncritical mind. However, the experience of the last two decades have Proved it wrong. It has landed Bangladesh in a mess. The killing and mass destruction of the physical and the spiritual world has not taken the country anywhere near finding a solution to the decade old ethnic conflict.

Taking in to account of all factors, one should perceive the CHT crisis only as a problem of the Jumma people. Equally, the CHT problem must be recognized as a national problem of Bangladesh because of its close linkages to the social, economic, political, ethnic and national integration problem of Bangladesh.

These are not encouraging indications for a peaceful resolution of the dispute. Seeking solution to the needs of the majority by marginalizing rapidly other sections of the population has been a common sight in this later half of the 2Oth century. It has also been a common sight to see the countries getting stuck deeper into the crisis resulting from such policy of peace and keeping one section happy at the expense of another section of the society. Such a policy when directed against a particular community lacking access to the centre of power or other disadvantage can provoke bitter conflicts that can cause irreparable damage.

In this closing years of the 20th century there is less and less possibility of permanently eliminating/ suppressing the basic human rights of a community, however weak, even though a combination of physical force, deception and legal manipulations. The international community has become increasingly sensitive to the self-righteous arrogance of the dominant society to impose itself upon the smaller communities. This is not out of a fanciful dream for equality but out of the bitter experiences from the era of imposition and integration for nation building through assimilation. This is positive development which can become meaningful in the contexts of Bangladesh if mobilized effectively in identifying and overcoming the numerous disabilities that exist with the parties in dispute - the disabilities that often are the reason and not the questions in dispute which prevents solutions.

The Year l993 was the international Year of the World's Indigenous People, but as 1994 drew to a close, the vulnerabilities of indigenous people remained as serious as ever. They are being massacred, terrorized, forced off their lands, and paid a dreadful price for desperately holding on to their ancestral lands, now coveted by dominant society.
According to Amnesty International, 'they are among the most defenseless of all victims of human-rights violations'. In New York Times we read. Their plight is worldwide and becoming especially acute in places where the march of economic development and resource exploitation tramples on their once -isolated domains, leading to disease, bloodshed and despair'.

The case of the Jumma people of the Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh is no exception to this worldwide bleak picture of the plight of world indigenous people. For about a decade or so, the facts of genocide, serious human rights violations and horrendous killings in the CHT has not been revealed to the outside world find as well as to the international community because the Bangladesh Government completely sealed off the area so that no news from the CHT can reach to the outside world. Due to unfavorable geographical location of the CHT, the Jumma Nations remained backward and isolated from the rest of the outside world.
The UN Working Group for indigenous People and other international organizations hold meetings and conferences on indigenous peoples in various parts of the world. The Jumma people have been able to expose the human rights abuses in the CHT and put their demands to the international community by presenting those meetings and conferences. As a result many countries and organizations are giving their support and showing sympathy to the Jumma people.

The commemoration of the United Nations International Year of the World's Indigenous Peoples and the successful conclusion of the World Conference on Human Rights last year, the International Decade of the World Indigenous Peoples which began from the 10 December 1994, and the recent ending of many long standing disputes, are events that will encourage others involved in conflict/ disputes to seek peace more earnestly.

Source;

A Conclusion Report: International Peace Conference on Chittagong Hill Tracts WORKING TOWARD PEACE

Published in May 1997 By
Asian Cultural Forum on Development(ACFOD)
on behalf of the Steering Committee,
International Conference on Chittagong Hill Tracts

Jumma Peoples Alliance jummapeoples@sprint.ca